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THE PATRIOT

January 1, 1861
"The New Year! The phrase does not seem to startle a solitary thought from what I feel within me to be almost a sluggard’s slumber. It falls upon my ear absolutely flat, meaningless, joyless, griefless, listless. I do not know why, but as a point in time it has no meaning beyond the hour of the day or the day of the week. My ‘New Years’ have heretofore been mostly spent in the city, in such a manner as to awaken memories of former ones; and so I have looked back on those days as rounds that I have grasped from year to year in the ladder of my life. The ladder for the last year has been in a horizontal position, and I have just held on."

It is evident that the first months of 1861 were to Mr. Boomer months of fiery trial, that he was passing through a terrible conflict, and that he sometimes felt that he was fighting his way alone.

Born and brought up in Massachusetts, a State which had always taken extreme views upon the subject of slavery, he had heard and seen many things (as has been previously noticed) which were, he maintained, unjust to the South and aggressive on the part of the North – views which, if carried out, would certainly lead to difficulty. He always begged


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of his friends in the New England States to try to look at the subject from the slaveholder’s point of view, and urged that hatred and violence would never convict men of a moral evil. Moreover, he abhorred quarrels, and in private life acted upon the principle of never contending. If he had disagreement with any person, he simply declared his position, but never used any means to vindicate his course; acting upon the common-sense principle of forgiving wrongs and letting them alone.

A letter under date of January 6, will give some idea of the workings of his mind upon this subject:--

"Dear S____: I did not receive the letter you say you wrote, and the postmaster does not know anything about it either. And the beautiful young lady – they (the young ladies) are myths sometimes ere you catch them, and I believe your letter mythical. Send me the counterfeit and let me see (the young lady I mean), and then I can tell exactly what the letter would or should have been, and you can write me a letter about something that is real; for we have in our times plenty of realities, and, though they are sad ones, they are ours.

We (I mean the people) have been working hard and long to get them, and, now that they are in our possession, the inquiry begins to dawn upon our awakening senses much as it did upon that young man who drew an elephant in the lottery, the story of which you know. I think we are much in the same condition as that perplexed young gentleman. The elephant is stirred up, sure enough, and I am afraid he will eat us all up. I wish, though, I had charge of him for a while; I would feed him on corrupt politicians till he died.


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I wish you (I trust you did have) a merry Christmas and a happy New Year’s day, and wish for the rest a happier ending than beginning of this new year.

I cannot try to cheer you or myself with the solace that comes to us in individual trials, when perhaps our greatest troubles are our highest hopes, and when we may reflect with pleasure that if our burdens are great we are lightening the load for another; for there is no hope in madness, and it goes down from father to son.

You do not know how I am weighted down by these evil times; you cannot conceive it living where there is a union of feeling. You are on the border, where the realities of civil strife do not appeal to you as they do to us here, who may be occupying the theater of fearful tragedies, our whole State a battle-ground.

If you did, if the far North, and the far South could hear the prospective cries of distress that come to our ears, and see through the medium we do, they would come to the conclusion, I think, that there had been a misunderstanding; that, after all, there was no cause for such an awful quarrel and that the honor of both parties could be preserved without a resort to arms.

I have hope, though, yet; for gentlemen have been known, when they arrived upon the ground to settle their private quarrels, attended in silence by friends and surgeons, in the coldest and grayest dawn of the morning, to listen, when the stillness preceding the conflict had become so deathly that they could hear well, to suggestions of the above description. I humbly pray it may be so with the impending quarrel of our country; else these times are sadly out of joint. I am determined to do all I can, when the time comes


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To make people listen to reason; and if all, both North and South, who think as I do, would only act, the trouble would be avoided."

May 8.
"I was delighted to receive your letters, and think their sentiments are truly patriotic. I love my country, and shall try to serve it in this its hour of need, which is not to be done in this State without great prudence and greater sacrifices; but between a mal-administration of a government the best in the world and chances of none at all, I have deliberately chosen, upon the ‘Hamlet undiscovered’ principle, in favor of the former.

I hope the President and his co-workers in power will be quiet with their Missouri army for a time at least, for we are stronger without them than with them, and have need of all our strength. Affairs are not pleasant in this State. The present picture, turn which way you will, is fearful to look upon, and still more so to contemplate for the future. It requires some physical and moral courage to travel through the towns and country at the present time, and a barrier has been placed in society in St. Louis which no one can pass. I am called an abolitionist by people here in the country, between whom and myself there has been heretofore the highest mutual respect. I don’t like all this, but cannot help it, and think, with a worthy Carondelet alderman, ‘that the best thing what one can do is to do the best thing what one can.’

I have received your present, which gives me much pleasure. I return you my love, which now is all I can safely call my own; but in sending you this gift do not fear that I


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am robbing myself, for this possession, among its other virtues, is in no danger of suffering by division or a modern secession."

To his mother, under date of June 1, (1861) he writes:

"In whatever light we view the present troubles of our county, it is a very serious affair, and the question must arise, whether the remedy used is not as bad as the disease to be cured. Civil War is a long and dreadful thing, and I have feared this for years. You of Massachusetts, who are one people, and sustained each by the sentiments of the other do not and cannot realize what war is in a community divided against itself, where the partisan feeling enters society and erects barriers between friends, neighbors, inmates of the same house, and members of the same family. Evil times have fallen upon us indeed, when that barrier widens from coolness to passion and from passion to arms. Yet such is the case here. In St. Louis a line is drawn through society, and across the barrier no social intercourse is allowed. Persons intimately connected with each other have met in arms.

I have taken my position for the Union, and as a consequence for the government; for between a good government badly administered and the uncertainty attendant on forming a new one upon its dismemberment, I could not hesitate to choose. My position, therefore, in common with that of many others, is one that requires prudence as well as principle, and may involve much sacrifice.

I have been pleased to see the promptness with which my native State, stimulated by patriotism, has responded to the call of her government believed to be in danger, and I


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am pleased with the whole North, which volunteers to sustain the rightful authority of law. The supremacy of law as such, whether believed to be just or unjust, is the only safeguard of life, liberty, and property, and all differences should be adjusted under the law, until oppression marks the time to take up the sword.

I cannot forget, however, that the good people of Massachusetts and other New England States did not display upon the call of former executives the same willingness to rush to arms in wars with foreign powers, one of which was for defending the rights of their own commerce and seamen, as they now display in a war, at best, to chasten the errors of their brethren; and I hope, if Providence designs by these troubles lessons of wisdom, that it may be a part of that divine plan to distribute a small number among the people of the North. The North cannot be held entirely guiltless in the fearful, awful war."

From journal, June 5 (1861): -

"Have been to St. Louis; stopped at my old home and found W—had a French consul housekeeping with him. I found also that extremely bitter hostility is felt towards the government in the aristocratic circles, which enters into every relation, both business and social. I feel utterly incapable, at times, to understand this feeling; and I also feel sometimes that I would fly from the bitter cup before me.

Here are men – ‘near a whole city full’ – who have heretofore gloried in our government, and served it faithfully, some of them – can they be disloyal now? There are


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men here who have proved themselves sound in judgment in everything pertaining to the political economy of our country, men that I honor, love, and revere, men that would not flinch from any sacrifice – can they be misguided now?

I am overwhelmed by these reflections at times but I must be just and honest with myself in this matter, cost what it will."

There is a pause here of some weeks; the pen makes no record either by letter or journal; the curtain is suffered to drop over the inner conflict still going on’ no ear heard, no eye saw, save that which neither slumbers nor sleeps. But the following letter, bearing date July 15, gives proof that his heart was now at rest; that he had espoused openly the Union cause, although he had not then decided to take up arms in defense of his country.

Jefferson City, July 15
"Dear S----; --- I am rain-bound here to-day, with thin and soiled garments; it is cold and disagreeable. It rains nearly all the time now-a-days, and I expect the storm of today will entirely ruin my wheat, which has been a long time in the field, and ought to have been thrashed long ago; for you must know, my dear S---, that I have partaken of the belligerent spirit of the times, and am determined to thrash that wheat. For this purpose I have made every preparation – have put all my implements of war into the field, have raised men and horsemen – and the first day I shall make the attack.

My infantry will make the first charge. This maneuver will throw the enemy into such a position that, by a vigorous movement of the cavalry, I will knock all their


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heads off; and by continuing hostilities in this manner I hope to show that my enemy is a mere man of straw.

After I get my adversary into my own power, tightly imprisoned, I shall carry him away and sink him in a dark dungeon, and mash him, which I think will completely subjugate him; unless at some future time, perhaps when peace and plenty shall smile again, and we all are happy around the social board, trusting to the careless security of the times, and instigated by yeast, he shall rise again. But if that event should occur, I am determined to eat him.

My dear sister, you will think I am carrying the simile rather too far; but you cannot judge of war in your peaceful home. There are reckless, foolish men around me, and all over the State, who are continually exasperating the opposite party, creating everywhere a petty civil war. There have been fatal fights within a few miles of me, in every direction; but so far, by common consent, we preserve amity and good neighborhood. I have tried every honorable means to maintain this state of things, and feel grateful for my success so far, as I am an avowed Union man. Such sentiments are not always to be expressed with safety. I tell all Union men who wish to take an active part in this contest to join the army; secessionists the same; for the formation of home guards in this State is bad policy. I appeal to the selfish interests of all for industry, which is so necessary to both the soldier and the citizen, that it may not perish entirely throughout the State, as well as that the barbarities of such a strife may be prevented as far as possible. Our State is in a terrible condition, and it will be a long time before it recovers from it.

Last night I received your letter, and will tell you, as


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near as can be told, what I am doing. I am ‘existing;’ this is about all. I feel that my country is in trouble, and that it is time when men, if they are needed, should not merely look on; and this feeling makes me uneasy, for the reason that my business connections are yet so elaborate and unsettled that there seems to be a necessity laid upon me to attend to them – a necessity imposed upon me as much by obligation to others as myself. There are so many people here to whom I furnish employment in my mills, and on the farm, in clearing up new ground in the vicinity – some mainly for the reason that it is their only means of obtaining the necessaries of life – that in this I find a pleasant occupation.

As for society, I have none, and feel little desire for any. Everything is so unsettled, and the times are so stirring and eventful, that to keep one’s self fully informed leaves little time for other reading or study."

From journal:--

Castle Rock, August 11, 1861.
"I went into Jefferson City this afternoon, and while there reports came of the death of General Lyon. It seems but a day since I met him here on his way to Springfield, and had such satisfactory converse with him. How often my mind has reverted to his pure, honest, sincere character, and the hopes it gave me in the service of his country; and now he has fallen! A feeling of sadness at the loss of this heroic general has oppressed me beyond measure.

In addition to this sad event, news reaches me of the death of C----- G-----. This brings to my mind a long train of memories, which the recollection of mutual association brings back from the past. A sorrowful picture of the


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horrors of war! The accounts of this battle, and the results it leaves, have begotten in me a feeling of personal responsibility, which leads to serious consideration.

The action of the government seems inadequate to the necessities of the State, and the Union men here seem to rely too much upon the government to do, at least in part their own work. I apprehend that Jackson and the Confederate forces will soon appear in large numbers at some point near the interior of this State, and that the friends of the rebellion, more ready than the friends of the country, will join them in large numbers. Shall Union men look on? Will it be all that we can do to listen for the news? I believe now is the time when my country, my native land, needs me and my all, and that here is the place.

What can I do? Just now words or votes or civil government cannot do much. The appeal is to arms, and in arms must be met. I see but two ways – to take arms or look on. I have no family; am young; business considerations should not weigh. I cannot be of service as a private soldier, or even as a company officer. Physical disease and exposure have unfitted me to endure what would be necessary, and at the time needed, in those positions, I fear I should fail. Am I fitted for a higher position? Could I fill it in such a manner as to make the forces I should command an absolute additional force? Could I obtain such a position?

On my way home I sketched in my mind the scheme of raising a battalion of three companies, to volunteer for one year, as aid in suppressing the rebellion in Missouri. This is the State of my adoption and my love. My heart is here, my home is here, and the government of my fathers is


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mine. I must do something; and I ask the first of these questions intending to search myself in good faith; the second I shall set about solving to-morrow; and by the day following I will try to decide."

The following letter to his mother will show the result of the foregoing reflections:--

Castle Rock, August 14.
"Dear Mother: -- I am just home from Jefferson City, twelve o’clock at night. I was detained late by business, and came very near being detained all night by the picket guard, as Jefferson City is now under martial law.

The war news you see by the daily press; I will not speak of it in general terms, but enclose you a paper showing what I intend to do. I have considered this step more seriously than any act of my life, and am firmly convinced that it is my duty. I hope that you and my father will approve it.

I have strenuously opposed that party which have unnecessarily aggravated the causes of this war; but that reckless men have hurried the war upon us does not obviate the fact that it is here, and that good men must take firm, positive ground. I love my country, and cannot consent to let it go without my effort.

Pardon a short letter, as I have a great deal of writing to do, and to-morrow I go to Linn, to address a meeting of our county. I am well, in good spirits, and love my father and mother as well as ever.

Your affectionate son,
Geo. B. Boomer."


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It would be impossible to describe the sufferings, the discouragements, the difficulties of such a stand as this brave young man took – that he would take up arms in defense of his country– and the almost insurmountable obstacles in the way of raising a regiment in such a disloyal atmosphere.

It is an easy matter to talk of acting from purely conscientious motives; it is no hardship to say that we will judge of things from their intrinsic merits, and that we will act independently, as those who must give account unto God. This is the theory, which if developed into action makes moral heroes in any and every sphere in life, whether they be kings or peasants, living in the city or country, laboring on the battle-field or in the humble shop. But it is not so easy to stand unmoved and fixed in the truth in the presence of adversaries. Human nature is weak; it loves approbation; and it is much more congenial for the heart to glide easily down the stream of popular sentiment than to buffet against the tide. It is hard to stand by one’s principles, to be true to one’s self, when on every hand, in looks, in words in conduct, we meet with opposition, with coldness, yea, with almost hatred. We are linked to our fellow-men by so many unseen but beautiful threads of sympathy, that when we feel that support to be gone, and we walk almost solitary and alone for truth’s sake—suffer trial and persecution for its maintenance—the reason and judgment are very apt to find some ground, in the pressure of circumstances around us, for escaping so severe an ordeal.

It is easy to be generous in deed, magnanimous in action, heroic and self-sacrificing in life, when our ears are filled with public applause, when our hearts beat quickly with the approving smile and the mead of love, when by such


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acts we see friends increase, and our position in the community greatly dignified thereby. But when there is no eye to see except to look coldly, when there is no ear to hear except to condemn, when there is no hope except in firm reliance upon principle, then comes oft times the night of weeping, the heart-searching, the inner voice uplifted to that Eye which is never shut, that Ear which is never closed.

But such training, although severe, often forms the noblest characters, and gives them a calm, unshrinking confidence in the cause they espouse. They may be weighted down by difficulties, oppressed by fears, but having thus triumphed over self, having fought this first great battle victoriously, there is little fear of faltering.

The most brave heroic act of Mr. Boomer’s life was not in shedding his blood before the stronghold of Vicksburg, although on that sad evening the setting sun cast its lingering rays upon the pale brow of as true and loving a patriot as was ever graced by the "white plume of Navarre;" but it was while toiling for months in raising his regiment, poor and almost unfriended, that he displayed a courage and endurance more grand than the hottest fight of any battle-field could have offered. In the excitement of action the soldier is stimulated by the circumstance of war, by martial harmonies, by the immediate hope of success, by many motives kindred to those around; he is sustained by a mighty host, a strength he believes invincible; he is impelled to deeds of daring which make the "world wonder," while at the same time they pronounce him a hero; but it is not so sublime, so pure, so lofty a heroism as that which is displayed by him who works for his country without the aid of sympathy or remuneration.


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The men of loyal hearts in Missouri at this period were a small band of patriots, so small and so widely scattered that each seemed as it were standing alone. But their patriotism was not a covering of blue and gold, to be put on for ambition or display; it was a patriotism that had passed through the furnace, and bore the test of purity. It was a patriotism that could bear "the crack of prowling rifles," that could look upon burning homes, murdered fathers, houseless wives, and fatherless children. The sufferings of the people of Missouri can never be told. They were accustomed to pass sleepless nights and perilous days, to see property in every form stolen. The Union and Confederate armies had both passed through the State, which combined with the bitter hatred and enmity of its inhabitants made it one scene of devastation and ruin.

It was a such a time as this that Mr. Boomer undertook to raise a thousand men to fight in the defense of our country and with such feelings as the following passage indicates he commenced the work:--

"I know that in taking this step many, I fear most of those I have best loved for years, will condemn and forsake me. In the dear city of my love my name will be spoken of as evil, and every plan of my life I yield. My family are too far away to give me the support I need, and which it would be their pleasure to bestow; but I canno9t and would not do otherwise than I have done. The struggle is over, and I feel sure of success."

A friend at Castle Rock says:--

"Mr. Boomer had frequent conversations with me at the commencement of the war in regard to his own duty, in the


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then distracted state of the country, and upon mature reflection he decided to raise a regiment. No sooner had he come to this decision than he promptly set about the work with all his known energy, and from motives of pure patriotism."

Another friend says:--

"How Mr. Boomer was to raise a regiment in our poor, disloyal country, was a mystery, and how he was to leave his large business interests and prepare himself for a military commander, was equally unaccountable. But he was a man, although young, who had the confidence of all who knew him, was beloved by all classes, and had that popularity which would insure his success if any one, under the unfavorable circumstances, could succeed.

He first established his camp at Castle Rock, freely giving to the soldiers the use of his household furniture, his beds, bedding, table furniture, and everything he had which would add to their comfort. After a few weeks he changed his quarters to Medora, where he at the same time could give his personal attention to military discipline."

He had great difficulty in turning the minds of the people to right views of maintaining the government, and to aid in accomplishing this he traveled from town to town, addressing the people, urging their loyalty, and many, says a friend, out of love to him joined his regiment. Sometimes days would pass without any apparent progress, and he would be told by his friends that he never could succeed; but he heeded not such prophecies, only to put forth greater effort. There was a power in his soul which lifted him above the fear of defeat; amidst the ravings of the storm around he was calm and unshaken. "As anchored ships


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cling to rifted rocks amid howling tempests, so he clung to the truth," believing in its power to sustain.

There was but one thing which he counted a sacrifice, one grief, and that was the loss of his friends. On this subject he was usually silent, but an occasional remark told the depth of his feelings.

One evening, when sitting in a concert-room at St. Louis some of his dear old friends came in and stood near him. He looked at them very earnestly and tenderly; then, turning to the friend sitting by his side, he said, "God only knows what this has cost me. This a test which you of the Northern States can never know."

Worn down by constant fatigue, he went from town to town, from county to county, and in an easy, simple, friendly manner, urged the people to loyalty; as may be seen by the following memoranda of meeting with the people of Linn County;

"I am glad, fellow citizens, to see you here, so many of you, to testify, by your presence at least, your concern for the public good.

What is there so noble, so touching, in all the spectacles humanity presents as the stirring of that impulse of the human heart which leaps to the rescue of distress? When we see it in the individual it melts our heart into sympathy. It is this divine instinct which impels the mother to leap to the rescue of the child, regardless of her own peril and our hearts glow with admiration for that mother. But when we see the rushing of a mighty people to the rescue of their common country in distress, when we see them willing to imperil all they have to sustain that government which bears within it the seeds of happiness and the tree of liberty,


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what shall we call that impulse but an approach to the higher nature of which man is said to bear the germ?

Has the world ever seen the like of that spectacle which, four months ago, it beheld in the loyal people of this country, responding to the call of the President to save the nation from the foe that attacked it? Was it the less sublime that the foe was within its own borders, and that, with a sense of their own loyalty, to deceive them, they had hugged the sweet dream of peace and concession until the treacherous enemy had nearly encompassed them in their destructive folds? No! rather the more sublime! And I am glad indeed to believe, fellow-citizens, that you, or most of you, partook of this disinterested sentiment of loyalty, and that you are here by your presence to testify thereto.

But while the impulses of the heart are noble, yet, as related to great actions, they should be tempered by judgment and intelligence; and I am here to consider the principle which I have embodied in the following resolutions:--

Resolved, That we have a country which we love from patriotism; that we have a government which we love for its intrinsic worth, and the blessings it has conferred upon us; that we have a flag which we love from all the memories that cluster around it; that as American citizens all these are ours; and that we will defend them from the most dangerous of internal foes.

Resolved, That a minority of the people, deceived by ambitious men, without cause (except evil passions) have rebelled in arms against the peaceful will of the majority; that they have done violence to our Constitution and the peaceful customs of our whole history; and that as we love peace, as we love liberty, as we love our domestic happiness,


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and as we hope to secure obedience to all constituted authority hereafter, it is the duty of the government to put this rebellion down, and our own duty to aid in doing the same.

Resolved, That as citizens of Missouri we are also citizens of the United States, and that no government can be said to invade its own citizens; that as citizens in our won state capacity we have been outraged by a conspiracy on the part of our former executive and legislative officers, against our honor, our interests, and our sovereign will as expressed in convention, and that, led by these men our homes are invaded and our property stolen; that our convention in secret session has done its duty in deposing those men who violated our rights, and in providing us new officers, and that we will sustain its action – obey the call of the authorities to compel the peace and drive the invaders from our soil; that the cry of our enemies for peace is a call for us to surrender our rights in law, liberty, and native land; that these are inalienable, and guaranteed to us by our Constitution, and that we will never surrender them; but that we will call upon them for peace – that they restrain their madness by laying down their arms, and obey the law, enjoy their protection, and take again their equal share in the glories and blessings of our common land."

A few extracts from letters give some indications that he had difficulties to overcome in preparing for his new sphere of life:--

September 11, 1861.
"Dear S----:--I can write you but a few works tonight, as I am very busy forming my regiment, and getting my business and property into such a condition that it can be


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safely attended to during my absence, or disposed of should I never return. It is a great deal of trouble to do both. The military affairs at St. Louis are very imperfectly managed, which, in the confusion created heretofore, and partially now, from want of proper state authorities, makes additional trouble. I am making as much progress, considering these things, as could reasonably be expected, and am fully satisfied that I am doing what I should do.

I am thankful for your letters, and feel happy when I know that those I love still care for me, and it will aid me.

Raising a regiment in this State is attended with much difficulty, and I may be disappointed, but perseverance and tact will accomplish much. It is right to serve my country, and I must ‘crown my thoughts with acts.’ I am gratified with the feeling that I have been the cause of inducing many men to go into the field who otherwise would not have done so.

Give love to A--- and the children, and reserve for yourself on the unfailing principle of the widow’s curse."

November 2.
"What can I say to you in detail, my dear sister? I do not like to deny what you ask me, but sometimes it is best I should.

My regiment is still at Medora, recruiting very slowly, but with a good prospect for the coming week, and I hope in a short time to be full.

I have seen our new major-general in command of the State, and could not be better pleased, so far as appearances go. I think he is quite perplexed by the situation here, and scarcely knows what to do, which I do not wonder at; in


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fact, it will hardly be expected that he will be able to take intelligent action for some days.

As soon as my regiment is full I want to go to Benton barracks and get thoroughly prepared for the field, and then go south. I would like to visit New Orleans with an escort.

My dear sister, why do you beg to know all the particulars of what I am doing, thing, etc.? The daily events of my life would only fill your heart, already anxious enough, with more solicitude. These are hard times for Union men in Missouri; but I am a man, my good sister. You always had a little comfort in such reflections about me, at least you have sometimes flattered me in that way, and now I have an opportunity of ‘testing my metal.’"

November 10, 1861
"Dear S-----:--I am as busy as I can be, drilling, holding school, etc. My duties begin at early dawn and last until eight o’clock p. m.

My regiment is likely to be affected by General Halleck’s policy, as he stopped further recruiting some time ago, turned it over to the State forces, and is going to consolidate all regiments not full. I may lose my position by this arrangement, but I will not fail to do my duty in any event. I have great faith in General Halleck, and if I have to suffer it well be the result of a policy which I think he ought to adopt under all circumstances.

I more than appreciate your kindness, and it greatly aids me. I cannot say more, only to beg that you will not distress yourself about me, for you know, my sister – I have often heard you say it – that ‘it is a noble thing to suffer and be strong.’ I have made up my mind to do what I am doing for a cause I love, and though new and worse difficulties should arise, I shall not turn back. I am happy in this, never more so.